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British policy toward Europe before World War I

2019-02-11 来源: 51due教员组 类别: Essay范文

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文- British policy toward Europe before World War I,供大家参考学习,这篇论文讨论了一战前英国的对欧政策。20世纪初,结盟外交的结果使得欧洲列强正式对抗,最终导致第一次世界大战。而战争对英国无利,所以英国极力否认在欧洲的结盟举动是针对德国,在协定文字上非常谨慎,试图保持自身外交行动的独立性。而且,德国是英国最先争取结盟的国家,即便是与法俄结盟后,英国也在极力争取与德国的友好关系,认为英德不是竞争关系,试图与德国签订某种协议。最后与德国交战也是英国无奈的选择。

British policy toward Europe,英国对欧政策,essay代写,作业代写,代写

The result of the allied diplomacy was a formal confrontation between the European powers, which eventually led to World War I. The war was not in Britain's interest. Britain strongly denied that the alliance in Europe was aimed at Germany. It was very cautious in terms of the agreement and tried to maintain the independence of its diplomatic actions. Moreover, Germany was the first country that Britain tried to form an alliance with. Even after it formed an alliance with France and Russia, Britain was striving for friendly relations with Germany, believing that Britain and Germany were not competitors and trying to sign some kind of agreement with Germany. In the end, Britain had no choice but to go to war with Germany.

When analyzing the British foreign policy from the end of the 19th century to before the first world war, the domestic academic circle generally believed that this was the period when Britain changed from "glorious isolation" to "alliance diplomacy" with the goal of containing Germany. The premise of Britain's alliance diplomacy is to maintain its independence. Germany was the first country to strive for an alliance, and even after its alliance with other European countries, it tried to strive for friendly relations with Germany. War was of no use to Britain, and a war with Germany was the last resort.

In the 1880s, Britain was most worried about France and Russia forming an alliance against Britain. The British occupation of Egypt caused lasting tension between Britain and France, while the possible threat of Russia to the near east and India was the main problem of British diplomacy. Against this background, in June 1885, the conservative government in Salisbury came to power and tried to restore relations with Germany. On June 26th, when Salisbury met with German diplomatic envoys, he indicated that one of the main principles of the conservative party is to realize and maintain a good understanding with Germany, and he himself will do his best to establish and maintain a good relationship with Germany. On June 29, bismarck's son soon telephoned the German ambassador to Britain and said that bismarck was very satisfied with the friendly gesture of Salisbury and made a positive response to the friendly policy of Germany and Britain. On July 2nd Salisbury, in a letter to bismarck, repeated what he had said on June 26th and asked Germany to help Britain in Afghanistan and Egypt. July 8. In his reply, bismarck repeated the friendly words in the telegram of June 29, promising to support Britain as much as possible on the issue of Egypt, and hoping that Britain and Russia could negotiate a settlement in Afghanistan.

Nevertheless, Britain still adhered to the policy of non-alignment and did not join the tripartite alliance to prevent falling into bismarck's plan to use Britain against France. In Salisbury's view, Britain was already a declining power, unlikely to adopt the aggressive foreign policy of the palmerston and Disraeli eras. The reasonable position of the UK in international relations is that it does not attempt to manipulate the direction, but only waits for the opportunity to react when events occur, and always takes the security of the UK as its main goal. Therefore, the relationship with Europe presents a seemingly contradictory "middle way": striving for cooperation while avoiding alliance, trying to gain benefits without being troubled.

The 1887 Mediterranean treaty fully embodies Salisbury's diplomatic thinking. The agreement, aimed squarely at France and Russia, will be a defining element of British foreign policy for the next decade. Salisbury's agreement with the European powers was more or less out of desperation. On the question of whether to sign the second Mediterranean treaty, it wrote to the British ambassador in Constantinople:

My personal feeling is that I have to join, but I say this with regret. I think we're just playing with bismarck's fire at the wrong time. I don't want to be part of this unscrupulous game. However, the full understanding between the UK and Austria and Italy is of the utmost importance and termination of the agreement would be at risk.

By continental European standards, the Mediterranean agreement is not an alliance agreement because it does not define military obligations. The Mediterranean agreement fully reflects Britain's diplomatic strategy of enjoying the benefits of the alliance but not assuming its responsibilities. The Mediterranean agreement still reflects Salisbury's basic position on foreign affairs, which is to keep Britain flexible and free of continental European involvement. Nevertheless, it was an important step in the direction of the union, which, as Salisbury said to queen Victoria, was as close to union as Britain could get in peacetime, and an important means of averting crisis.

In 1890, after William ii took charge of foreign affairs, Germany turned from the "continental policy" to the "world policy", that is, the expansion of overseas colonies, the control of sea power, and the struggle for world hegemony. Britain recognized that Germany had become a new and too powerful country, and that it was a greater threat to Britain than France or Russia. If Germany wants to carry out the "world policy" smoothly, it should seize the colonies from the British empire where the sun never sets. Thus, Germany and Britain fought for colonies in Africa, the near east and the far east.

At this point, as the world's most powerful Britain and the other three European powers are relatively tense relations. It should be noted, however, that while Victorian Britain was at the forefront of the world, its power depended on a vast empire. In other words, Britain's strength is inherently fragile: it must rely on external, not internal, sources to sustain it. Therefore, once other countries enter into industrialization and develop rapidly, its vulnerability becomes more obvious. What it shows is that it no longer takes the relationship between countries as the main factor in making foreign policy, but tries to protect the interests of the empire and the security of the sea passage. Therefore, the so-called isolation policy should be a wise choice for British diplomacy, whether it is willing to accept such isolation subjectively or not. Salisbury acknowledges that abiding by isolation is one of his main duties as prime minister and foreign secretary, but complains that isolation has little or no effect.

Salisbury is acutely aware of Britain's vulnerability beneath its veneer of grandeur, its need to defend its interests around the world while failing to have a strong armed force. Britain's great economic and naval power was important for maintaining the rule within the empire, but it hardly played an important role in diplomatic negotiations with European powers. He must think realistically of two questions: what challenges to British interests? What power does Britain have to defend it? Of course, the UK aims to maintain the stability of the world structure, while European powers such as Germany and Russia aim to change the world structure and profit from it. Salisbury once said, "curzon always wanted me to negotiate with the Russians as if I had half a million troops behind me, and I didn't."

On April 5, 1898, gray argued in parliament that Britain must no longer be isolated and must find common interests with other nations. Germany is the closest Britain has to a priority. There are contradictions between Britain and Germany, but many britons agree with Sir Bartley:

We compete with Germany economically, not politically. Our political interests are the same as Germany's, with a 200-year alliance. With the help of Germany, we will be the masters of the near east, the far east and Europe.

Britain and Germany reached certain agreements at the end of the 19th century, such as the Anglo-German agreement in 1890 to settle their colonial disputes, the Anglo-German treaty in 1898 concerning the Portuguese colonies, and the Anglo-German yangzi agreement in 1900 concerning China. Chamberlain, the colonial secretary, believed that Britain must ally itself with great powers whose interests were very close to Britain's. If Germany could not become a powerful ally of Britain, it would become a dangerous enemy of Britain. Britain's efforts were not, however, get the desired results, main reason is that the British want Germany issue on the British side against Russia in the far east, but is not willing to accept the terms of Germany required Britain to join the triple alliance, think that the increase of Britain's involvement in the danger of war in Europe, from Germany is greater than in the far east affairs help benefit gained by the British. Germany, while willing to ally with Britain, did not want to hurt its relationship with Russia. Salisbury sees this more clearly: Germany wants to keep the German-Russian border harmonious. Germany will never side with Britain against Russia, but always please Russia and abandon Britain.

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