Adaptation of Immigrant Children to the United States--论文代写范文

代际冲突是父母开始注意到的问题，这些青少年必须平衡两个不同的世界。专家认为,这是青少年发展的一个重要组成部分。家庭或学校也会增加自杀,药物滥用的风险。在某些情况下,增加了文化适应过程的压力。下面的essay代写范文进行论述。

Abstract 
  Over the last several years, as new waves of immigrants have continued to enter the United States, the effects of immigration on the nation’s economy and society have been hotly debated. Largely ignored in the debate, however, has been the wellbeing of immigrant children. Little is known about the adaptation process that these children must navigate, or the unique health, educational, and psychosocial consequences that emerge as they learn a new culture, new community, and often, a new language. Recent research confirms that immigration results in enormous stress for children. The stress may come from leaving a familiar social context and extended family network, from entering a new place, culture, and language, or from harsh conditions endured before or during the transitional journey. 

  Many immigrant children struggle to establish and re-establish themselves in the United States – redefining their roles within the family as well as their relationship to a new society – without the support of the strong kinship or friendship systems they had at home, and often without the fulfillment of their basic needs. For adolescent immigrants, the stress can be even more intense. Intergenerational conflict can weigh heaviest on adolescents when parents begin to notice their children’s quicker acculturation and to resent what they perceive as a rejection of the family’s own ethnic culture. These adolescents have to balance two different worlds and move fluidly between them. Experts agree that being connected and accepted is an important component of adolescent development. Children who do not connect in some meaningful way with their peers, family, or school are at an increased risk of suicide, substance abuse, school failure and drop-out, health problems, and criminal activity. In some cases, the added pressures of the acculturation process may exacerbate these risks. In particular, immigrant children may be alienated from school and rejected by their native-born peers because of their lack of fluency in English or their different cultural practices. 

  Research has typically focused on the “problems” and “maladaptive behaviors” of immigrant children. This negative orientation contributes to the idea that individual children are to be blamed for their poor adjustment or performance and often ignores the impact of institutional racism, or more broadly, the particular socioeconomic, political, and historical contexts of the host and receiving countries. In addition to these external factors, the negative approach also tends to overlook the crucial role of ethnic peer groups, social networks, and parent-child relationships in the process of adjusting to a new environment while maintaining traditional values and beliefs. Recent studies have demonstrated that a “positivist” approach to immigration and acculturation yields important information about not only the risks but also the strengths that result from the immigration experience. 

  For example, bicultural competence – the ability to function successfully in both family (“traditional”) and school (“mainstream”) cultures – can emerge as a result of immigrant children’s conflict. While it gives reason for optimism, the research is also clear that immigrant children have unique needs, and that schools should address these needs proactively. Many immigrant students appear to overcome their obstacles and excel academically. But what is the toll on their mental health? How are they adapting psychosocially? Often, seemingly competent students are left to manage the mental and emotional stress alone, with serious consequences for their later quality of life. Other immigrant students find the obstacles too difficult to overcome. How can struggling students be better supported so that they are both better able to learn and to adapt in the long-term?

  Schools, where mainstream cultural norms and values are introduced and reinforced, are often the context in which the adaptation and acculturation processes occur. While efforts have been made in the last several years to improve English acquisition and educational outcomes among immigrant children, these initiatives have only scratched the surface; they have not comprehensively supported these children as they undergo not only the usual stresses of childhood, but also the additional burden of major family transition and life change as a result of immigration. The literature suggests the need to explore individual, group, and external forces at work in the families, communities, and schools where immigrant children are finding their places and building the foundation for their futures. Efforts to design appropriate, efficient, and effective interventions to support immigrant children will depend upon a comprehensive theoretical and practical understanding of the challenges facing immigrant children, as well as careful analysis of the practices and policies that have been implemented to date.

 Introduction 
  It was once assumed that immigrant children could adapt to their new environment with relative ease, but in reality, educators have long struggled to meet their needs. In fact, recent research confirms not only that many immigrant children face enormous educational and psychosocial challenges, but also that the current wave of immigrant children presents an even greater challenge to American educators than earlier waves. Children entering the United States today represent a particularly diverse range of cultures, and some have had little or no formal education in their native countries (McDonnell & Hill, 1993). 

  Firstand second- generation immigrant children are the fastest growing segment of the U.S. child population. According to the 1990 Census, young immigrants are heavily concentrated in five states – California, New York, Texas, Florida, and Illinois, and 45% of immigrant children enrolled in school are enrolled in California alone (McDonnell & Hill, 1993). Landale & Oropesa have conducted some of the most extensive research on the origin and characteristics of America’s immigrants, the majority of whom come from Central and South America (including Mexico) and Asia. Half of the Latino population and 90% of Asian children in the United States are first- or second-generation immigrants (Landale & Oropesa, 1996). More than half of firstgeneration Latino children are from Mexico, and there are more Mexican immigrant children in the United States than from any other country or region of the world (Landale & Oropesa, 1996). Asian immigrant children represent a more even distribution from several countries -- mostly China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Korea, and India.（essay代写)

  At their point of arrival in the U.S., Latino immigrants exhibit more variation in their circumstances than their Asian counterparts do. Latin American immigrants from places other than 7 Cuba tend to come to th the U.S. for manual labor opportunities with limited education, having left their countries to escape poverty. On the other hand, Cubans originally came here as refugees and were often well-educated professionals (Landale & Oropesa, 1996). Landale & Oropesa conclude that “with few exceptions, immigrant children from Asia are highly advantaged compared to immigrant children from Latin America and the Caribbean. This is largely due to differences in origin population characteristics and the type of immigrant flow--that is, the migration of highly skilled professionals entering employment-based visa preferences versus unskilled, and sometimes undocumented, labor migration (p.21).” Asian immigrants, especially Indians, Filipinos, and Chinese, tend to represent a highly educated, skilled professional group – a “brain drain” migration.（essay代写)

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