Understanding Individual Variability in Immigrant Children’s Outcomes--论文代写范文

对于更积极的学校教师和行政人员的经历,对他们的学术成就也有一定影响。这些类型的保护性政策，似乎是消极的。换句话说,作为移民来说，适应美国的文化,他们失去了原有的保护壳。下面的essay代写范文进行探讨。

Bearing the Burden with Ease or Pain: Risk and Protective Factors 
  The process of immigration is potentially a severely stressful occurrence for immigrant children and families. Often, immigrant children adjust quite successfully to their new environment and even outperform their U.S. native peers in school (Fuligni, 1997). In fact, as Aronowitz (1984) has demonstrated, in terms of their adjustment to school most immigrant children do no better or worse than do their native-born peers. However, as previously cited, it is also well documented that some immigrants adapt poorly and have difficulty connecting to the school system, complicating their future prospects and limiting their occupational opportunities. 

  Research supports that some immigrant children possess a resilience that sustains them in their education and adaptation, and that those who do not successfully adjust are at great risk for deviant behavior, substance abuse, educational failure, and psychological distress (Velez & Ungemack, 1995; Vega et al., 1995; Munsch & Wampler, 1993; Hovey & King, 1996; Szapocznik & Kurtines, 1993, 1989, 1980; Szapocznik et al., 1986, 1989; Rumbaut, 1994). According to Alva’s work (1991), children who are resilient, or relatively “invulnerable” (i.e. performing well academically), report that they have a social support network consisting of parents, friends, and teachers who buffer life event stressors. 

  These students also report more positive school experiences with teachers and administrators and feel that these individuals care about them and about their academic attainment. These kinds of “protective factors” appear to be negatively associated with length of residence in the United States. In other words, as immigrants live here and adapt to U.S. culture, they lose part of their “protective shell.” According to Rumbaut (1997a), the “social capital” of immigrants erodes with duration of residence in the United States, causing a decline in academic achievement and motivation. The increase in single-parent households across generations (Landale & Oropesa, 1995) appears to be one of the driving forces behind this erosion of protective factors. Velez and Ungemack (1995) investigated several psychosocial variables to explain why Puerto Rican adolescents become at risk for drug involvement. 

  They found that generational status was systematically related to differences in the occurrence of psychological risk factors for drug use. As Puerto Rican children became more acculturated to mainstream life, parental control decreases, school and church involvement declines, and parent-child problems and peer use of drugs increase. Hovey & King (1996) documented that Latino-American adolescents who experienced a high level of acculturative stress also reported having high levels of depressive symptoms and suicide ideation. Florsheim (1997) and Szapocznik & Kurtines (1989) both found that Chinese and Cuban adolescents who acculturated too quickly lost their ethnic identity shortly after migration and reported high levels of both stress and maladaptive behaviors. These youths had become isolated from both their ethnic and American peers, and were caught between two worlds-- feeling that they belonged to neither.

 Theoretical Perspectives on Differential Individual Outcomes 
  Several theoretical paradigms have been used to help explain both why some immigrants tend to adapt more successfully than others, and why some individual members of particular immigrant groups appear to come through the process more easily than others. The paradigms describe both macro-level forces and micro-level implications contributing to the variability of immigrant children’s experiences. The developmentalist perspective articulated by Luis Laosa, for example, takes into consideration the important role of mediating factors such as the individual characteristics of the child (temperament, developmental age, sex, cognitive appraisal, array of coping skills) and external factors such as parental reactions and the larger cultural context that have an impact on children’s responses to stress and the effectiveness of those responses (Garcia-Coll & Magnuson 1997). Laosa (1989) developed a multivariate model which incorporates several different domains. （essay代写)

  His model highlights the interaction of variables that mediate the stresses of migration, adaptation, adjustment, and development over time for immigrant children. These variables, each critical to a child’s development, include: characteristics of the sending community (family pre-migration lifestyle and background characteristics, the existence of “pile-up” stressors); characteristics of the receiving community (social supports and networks, attitudes toward newcomers); the school context (available services for immigrant children, teacher expectations, parental involvement, etc.); and cognitive appraisal and coping. Gender, individual temperament, and legal status are also important. Laosa’s approach (1997) emphasizes the psychosocial and environmental process as they occur over time and views the immigrant as a “developing organism interacting reciprocally with the environment, and [takes] into account the particular point in the person’s life cycle when immigration takes place (p.57).” It has been well documented that age upon arrival is important in understanding an immigrant child’s adaptation and adjustment processes (Garcia-Coll & Magnuson, 1997; Rumbaut, 1994; Hirschman, 1994). Garcia-Coll and Magnuson (1997) have argued for a positivist approach to the study of immigrant children and their adaptation, focusing not just on the maladaptation of children but also on “how the process of immigration can increase an individual’s repertoire of coping skills, facilitate the acquisition of new and different skills, and broaden opportunities as well as world views (p.105).”（essay代写)

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