The Labour government's policy towards Europe

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文- The Labour government's policy towards Europe，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了英国工党政府的对欧政策。每一个国家的外交政策总是与一定的历史条件和国际环境密切相关。1997年后，英国采取了较为积极的对欧政策。工党政府之所以调整对欧政策，是多方面原因综合作用的结果。这其中包括国际环境的变化、英国工党自身对欧态度的转变以及前任保守党政府对欧政策陷入困境等原因。

A country's foreign policy is always closely related to certain historical conditions and international environment. Since the Blair government came to power in 1997, Britain has adopted a more active policy towards Europe, unlike the previous conservative government. The adjustment of the Labour government's policy towards Europe is the result of a combination of factors. These include changes in the international environment, changes in Labour's own attitude towards Europe and the plight of the previous conservative government.

From the perspective of geopolitics, Britain is undoubtedly an obvious advantage to be separated from the European continent by a river. For a long time, a country's geographical location and geographical conditions have been of fundamental strategic value... economic, diplomatic and military strategy advantage. The unique geographical location makes the UK can go beyond European diplomatic dispute and clever, the greatest degree of maintaining their national interests. Before the 20th century Britain don't detail, after entering the 20th century, its geographical advantages, to some extent is still maintained. In World War II, the use of the English channel this barrier to home, in the fight against the fascist Germany, finally become Allies launched a counter-offensive base. Also, in the cold war, the British are belong to the western camp, but as far away from the leading edge of the two opposing camps, it can still be a detached way of dealing with relationship between the United States and the Soviet union. And the end of the cold war, The geopolitical strategy situation of Europe and even the world, great changes have taken place in Britain on the geographical advantage of the weakened, the reason: Western Europe as well as the strategic center of gravity to the east of the west camp. Europe and unification is the sign of this change and start, followed by the European Union and NATO's eastward expansion and the progress of this change: Move further east European geopolitical boundaries, and the line is much less than the cold war so clear. It is the result of increased the importance of some European countries, including Germany's most prominent. In contrast, in the process, the status of Britain in Europe and the western world has dropped in the unconscious.

As one of the three victors of World War II, Britain played an important role in the establishment of the post-war world order. The end of the cold war, the collapse of the Soviet union and the existence of the special relationship between Britain and the United States lost important basis. Britain's "great power status" has been badly weakened, and some of its past strengths are gone. With the end of the cold war and the disappearance of direct confrontation between the United States and the Soviet union, military strength is no longer at the top of the overall national strength contest, while the importance of economic capability has increased significantly. The weakness of Britain, with its superior military power and weaker economy, was highlighted. By contrast, Germany, with its strong economy and European centre, has become a sought-after partner. The us has begun to put Germany's co-operation and support at the top of its policy towards Europe, while the UK has been conspicuously left out in the process. For example, Clinton declared that there was a unique partnership between Washington and Bonn that required Germany to take a "leadership role" with the United States. Calling the Anglo-American relationship "historic" is just that.

For a long time after the war, the British labor party was not enthusiastic about the European integration movement, but by the mid and late 1980s, the British labor party's policy on Europe had undergone a relatively large adjustment, which was mainly based on the following reasons:

The party's repeated electoral defeats and long opposition fate have prompted it to reflect on its domestic and foreign policies, reversing some unrealistic conventional wisdom. Historically, Britain's Labour party has been unenthusiastic about European Union, and the debate has been tepid. However, since Britain joined the European Community, the struggle between eurosceptics and Pro-Europeans within the Labour party gradually intensified, and led to the internal division of the Labour party later. The two general election defeats have weakened calls for an exit from the European Union, but there is still a lack of enthusiasm for European integration in Labour's political mainstream, and few voices in the party openly support it. The vague policy reflected in Labour's European election manifesto in 1984, which acknowledged that Britain should remain in the community but demanded a return to some of the sovereignty it had ceded, was itself contradictory. By 1987 Labour's election manifesto was much more conciliatory, making it plain that it wanted to co-operate with other member states but would insist on defending its own interests in the European Community.

Labour's vague policies were gradually replaced by the idea of constructive co-operation within the European Community. Labour also won the European parliament in 1989, its first victory in a national election in 15 years, and there is no doubt that the result reinforces its Pro-European stance.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the "realistic socialism" suffered a severe setback in the eastern Soviet region, and some theorists in the socialist camp in Europe believed that the socialist party should abandon the use of "democratic socialism" and replace it with "social democracy" to distinguish it from the eastern Soviet model. It is against this background that the British Labour party began to make significant changes. First, in terms of values, Mr Blair argues that Labour must shed some of its old ideas and inject new modernity into the party, making it a "new Labour". He thinks, should replace "socialism" with "socialism-ism"... Individuals can succeed only if they realize that they depend on each other. Labour theorists argue that it should move beyond old-fashioned totalitarianism and dogmatism. So the Labour party amended article 4 of its constitution at a conference in 1995, setting its goal as "the pursuit of social justice". Second, it reduces the influence of British trade unions over Labour, reducing their representation at Labour conventions and moving more aggressively towards the corporate world.

In fact, long before the Labour party pushed hard for reform, the European Community had carried out many reforms with distinctive features of social democracy under the active promotion of the socialist Mr Delors. The European social charter adopted in 1989 is the best evidence for this. On the basis of its traditional free-market economy, the charter adds many elements of a social democratic nature, including state intervention and social welfare. As a result, the reformed European Community has many similarities in values to the similarly modernised Labour party, and the two are getting closer.

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